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CPI submission to R2W

r2w

The full CPI submission to right2water CPI r2w submission We submit these ideas as a contribution to what we believe is a necessary debate, onethat needs to take place not only within the trade union movement but also within communities throughout our country. We believe that the time has passed for patching up a system

politicaleconomy.ie interview with Ernst Herzog and Richard Corell

German-troops-Herero

Both authors are scholars of political economy and members of the World Association for Political Economy (WAPE). As freelance researchers and journalists they publish also in left-wing papers (like KAZ or Junge Welt) in the FRG. In the World Review of Political Economy (Pluto Journals) they have published: “Financial and Currency Crisis Undermines the Euro

A democratic programme for the 21st century

Starry Plough

The Communist Party of Ireland has published A Democratic Programme For the 21st Century. ‘The capitalist economic system that we live under is prone to cycles of boom and bust and is based on the exploitation of working people. It is a society in which the wealth created by working people is owned and controlled by

A New Fiscal Framework For a Progressive Government

r2w

When a new progressive government takes office after the next election it will face considerable challenges – in particular, the need to drive investment in our economic and social infrastructure.  Years of recession, stagnation and austerity have produced a debilitated economy and a society riven with deprivation and lost opportunities. On June 13th the Right2Water

Karl Marx Was Right

marx-400x209

By Chris Hedges Global Research, June 01, 2015 http://www.globalresearch.ca/karl-marx-was-right/5452795 Karl Marx exposed the peculiar dynamics of capitalism, or what he called “the bourgeois mode of production.” He foresaw that capitalism had built within it the seeds of its own destruction. He knew that reigning ideologies—think neoliberalism—were created to serve the interests of the elites and

CPI submission to R2W

r2w

The full CPI submission to right2water CPI r2w submission

We submit these ideas as a contribution to what we believe is a necessary debate, onethat needs to take place not only within the trade union movement but also within communities throughout our country. We believe that the time has passed for patching up a system that has only offered, and can only offer, poverty, inequality, precarious employment, low wages, and few real rights for workers.

The capitalist economic system prevents the development of a truly just and democratic society—a society in which men and women are equal, a society built on respect for both age and youth, in which our culture and language are respected and encouraged, in which the public good is given priority over markets and profits, in which we have control and influence over all aspects of our lives: in our places of work, in our communities, within our families—an economic system serving the working people.

We believe that socialism—the social ownership of the means of reproducing the material needs of life, to be held and used in common by and for the people—is the only way that a decent society can be built.

 

politicaleconomy.ie interview with Ernst Herzog and Richard Corell

German-troops-Herero

Both authors are scholars of political economy and members of the World Association for Political Economy (WAPE). As freelance researchers and journalists they publish also in left-wing papers (like KAZ or Junge Welt) in the FRG. In the World Review of Political Economy (Pluto Journals) they have published: “Financial and Currency Crisis Undermines the Euro and National Sovereignty”, Summer 2011; “Where Will the Euro-crisis Take US To: Germany´s Third Attempt?” (Together with Stephan Müller), Spring 2012 and “Subprime Crisis and Marx´s Theory on Ground Rent”, Summer 2014.

Full interview on PDF here Interview with Ernst Herzog and Richard Corell

Q: You quote Lenin on a United States of Europe being impossible or reactionary. Well it exists now so what do you make of the European Union and how do you define it?

A: Today we can say that the more the United States of Europe become a real possibility, the more reactionary they become.

After two world wars, after the foundation of the European Coal and Steel Community, after the foundation of the EEC and finally the European Union (EU), in 1998 there began a currency union between several of the EU member states. The introduction of the euro currency is based on a temporary compromise of the ruling classes of the monopoly bourgeoisies of France and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). The intention is:

  • To strengthen their position against the US and Japan
  • To share out together the Eastern parts of Europe after the crush of the USSR (Russia, part of Europe is excluded from the EU by the imperialists)
  • To oppress small capitalist nations in Western Europe
  • To also oppress any resistance by the European peoples and the working-class
  • To make a stand against socialist China

We call this alliance reactionary, backward-looking and hostile to any social and democratic progress. It attempts to preserve, defend and indeed strengthen capitalism, a socio-economic system which is obviously past its time.

Eastern European states, annexed to the EU after 1989 including the German Democratic Republic, as well as smaller capitalist countries affiliated to the EU, are economically dependent on EU imperialist states because of their size and their own national industrial and banking system, as yet not fully developed. While French and German imperialism endeavour to strengthen their dominant position through the EU and to create, for example, an “economic government” of European countries, those states are becoming increasingly dependent politically. Their national sovereignty is increasingly endangered. In this context, to make a clear difference between nations which oppress other nations and those nations which are oppressed is manifestly sensible. Yet the European Union is neither a new nation nor a new state. It is, in fact, the agency of historically notorious imperialist states in Europe—a temporary alliance with developing major internal contradictions.

The obvious contradiction between oppressor and oppressed nations is concretely demonstrated in the manner in which EU member states Greece and Ireland were dealt with after the outbreak of financial and economic crises.

Q: You emphasise the role of the State as a key structure in the system and describe it is a ‘state of usurers’.  What do you mean by this?

A: Writing “Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism,” in 1916, Lenin develops the term “rentier state” or “usurer state.” “Imperialism is an immense accumulation of money capital in a few countries… Hence the extraordinary growth of a class, or rather, of a stratum of rentiers, i.e. people who live by ‘clipping coupons’, who take no part in any enterprise whatever, whose profession is idleness.” Imperialist states become rentier states in which a perpetually growing part of the bourgeoisie lives by lending money, or in other words by investing money, buying and selling bonds and shares, gaining interest and dividends, and the world “has become divided into a handful of usurer states and a vast majority of debtor states.” “The rentier state is a state of parasitic, decaying capitalism.” The cause thereof is:

The surplus value extracted from the working class within the capitalist countries finds lesser fields for being reinvested in productive manner, in industrial and rural production. It exists as money-capital in the hands of the rich eager for interest, after all for fixed income on the highest possible level. They have the banks, their consultants and their governments to guarantee an effortless and riskless life. This development encroaching on those countries makes them living more and more from fixed income, from the tributes or the rents they gain with different forms of credits, loans, bonds, shares and other forms of fictitious capital from outside their countries. The development of a so-called service society based on a tremendous deindustrialisation in the last four decades proves well Lenin’s concept of the usurer state.

The imperialist state, still existing in the form of a national state and not able to overcome this form, has the task to secure the dominant role of the monopoly bourgeoisie internally against the working class and to safeguard the interests of the monopolies externally against the imperialist competitors. After the financial crisis 2008 the rentiers (investment banks, hedge funds, etc. with the rich families behind them) used the governments and the state apparatus to pass on their losses to the working people.

Q: Marx’s theory on ground rent has renewed relevance in the context of the crisis today. What is the connection between the monopoly of land ownership in Marx’s time and the monopoly of land/housing today?

A: Marx was the first economist who developed a general “theory of ground rent”. This theory, reflecting the relationship between the three classes (labourers, capitalists and landowners) of bourgeois society, is valid for all capitalist relations of production, also today. Marx underlines: “With a correct conception of rent, the first point to arise was of course that it does not originate from the land but from the product of agriculture, that is, from labour, from the price of the product of labour, for instance of wheat; in other words, from the value of the agricultural product, from the labour applied to the land, not from the land.”

With his theory of the ground rent Marx has developed a profound theory of monopoly. He shows some consequences of this exclusive power of disposal of parts of the planet.

Since Marx`s times, capitalism has changed into monopoly capitalism.

Besides the monopoly of land ownership, which came into existence with the capitalist system, since the last third of the 19th century, monopolies have developed in the sectors of industry, trade and finance.

Under monopolist-capitalism, superseding capitalism with freedom of competition, monopolies come into existence in industry, bearing features previously subject to private property. They represent obstacles to non-monopolistic capital penetrating their markets. They can realize prices exceeding the value and realize monopolistic profits, above average rate of profit. They impose a tribute on society chargeable to the working class, the petty bourgeoisie and the non-monopolistic bourgeoisie. By their ambition to rule world-markets, monopolies stamp down the autonomic development of bourgeoisies and capitalism in many countries worldwide too. To safeguard their rule, monopolies form an alliance with semi-feudal big landowners in the less developed countries in the same way as they did in imperialist countries before. The monopolists of industry and banks, the financial oligarchy, form an alliance with the big landowners; even so the contradictions between them are not sublated. In dominating the access to land they can decide whether a piece of land is used or not used for building houses or whether wells of crude oil or other sources of raw materials are exploited or not.

Insofar the survival of the monopoly on private property of land is closely related to the survival of the financial capital and both contribute to increasing parasitism and decay of imperialism. At the same time however, contradictions between the factions of monopolists are not overcome, as soon as it concerns the share of the tribute, or the prey, and the transfer of losses resulting of crises.

Since the time of Marx these contradictions have increased, prices for housing in cities grew exorbitant, a growing number of humans are living in slums, land grapping takes place in big dimensions, wars about raw materials are on the increase as well as debt bondage for a growing number of people by mortgage loans, etc. These mortgage loans and their financialisation played a major role in the development of the 2008 crisis as described in our article in WRPE, (World Review of Political Economy; Vol. 5, Nr. 2, Pluto Journals),

Q: You draw interesting connections between finance capital, low interest rates, the price of land and the underdevelopment of peripheral countries today. Can you explain this?

A: Though, unworked land has no value, because it is not a product of human labour, it is the object of buying and selling. The reason for that is the historic transformation of land into private property. Buying and selling of land creates per se not a cent in favour of land fertility, new machinery, or jobs. On the contrary buying and selling deprives resources of productive use.

For the owner of the ground, price for land is principal rent for a certain period of use. The principal amount of rent must at least yield the same rate of return, as the rate of return of savings deposits for the same amount of money would deliver.

“It follows, then, that the price of land may rise or fall inversely as the interest rate rises or falls if we assume ground rent to be a constant magnitude” (Marx). The price of land is all the higher, the higher the rent and the lower the interest rate.

If the interest rate by tendency approaches zero— and the real interest rate (adjusted by the rate of inflation) had this tendency since the nineteen eighties—price for land tends to go to infinite and this is regardless whether ground rent has  the form of rent, lease or other forms. The same principle also explains why Warren Buffet and others were on solid ground at first glance, thus negating the risk of decreasing prices for land as a result.

The tendency of price of land to rise is also supported by other facts. Beside the “growing demand for shelter” Marx states “. . . agriculture becomes relatively less productive in relation to the industrial product the value of the agricultural product rises and so increases ground rent”. Similarly, the like has to be considered for the building industry which, in spite of important technical achievements, is still relatively underdeveloped (low organic composition of capital) and contributes therefore to an increasing rent.

The financial capital penetrates the sphere of landed property and ground rent more and more. The main connecting piece thereby is the institute of mortgage and the instrument of mortgage loans. These allow increasing control of landed property and access to land by the financial capital. After the expropriation of land in the present imperialist countries in former decades; in the period of “globalisation” the banking system and the mortgage loans were used by the financial capital to export capital in underdeveloped countries. This led to expropriation of farmers, small industries and parts of the national bourgeoisies in those countries by the take-over of agricultural land, mines and wells of resources and building sites in Asia, Africa, South America, etc. by multinational companies. In most of these cases the borrowers could not serve their loans after diverse crises broke out (currency, prices for raw material, etc.) triggered by speculations of the financial capital in those countries. Then the financial capital took over to extract more surplus value from those countries.

Q: How does Germany fit into this within the Eurozone?

A: To become a world power again, Germany pursuit mainly three goals. First goal was reached through the annexation of the GDR in 1989/90. Second goal was, to expand its influence to the eastern countries (former part of the Warsaw Pact); this happened by exporting goods and capital to those countries and through their integration into EU. And thirdly it tries to become the leading power within the EU to make a stands against the US and the US$.

Making large-scale dealings in real estate in the former GDR and former Warsaw Pact countries, taking over the important parts of their banking system and using the well-trained industrial workers from the GDR to dump the wages domestically, German imperialism developed new strength with the consequence that the German business models are becoming more unbalanced and hazardous.

As the US-investment banks had socialised the risks of MBS and CDOs by securitisation, rating and selling this bonds to banks and investors all over the globe; also German banks were involved in this crisis from 2008 on heavily. While Deutsche Bank was part of the party issuing those AAA rated but then defaulting bonds; other German banks – as well as most banks in the EU – were hit massively by those losses and are under the guarantee of the state. The row about sharing the losses was intensive. Neither the German banking system nor that of the EU has properly recovered from this. Still governments and media are forced to tell different versions about the same facts. While Irish people know that their government (by issuing guarantees for the banks and, under the pressure of the Troika, paying back the speculative money to the big US, German, French and British investors) has saved also the German banks; in Germany, people are told Germany had saved the Irish State and banks. Germany is the main power using its influence on the ECB to put on the losses of the crisis to the smaller European countries and to the working people in the EU.

Also, contradictions between the German imperialism and the US imperialism have increased since the outbreak of the crisis.

Q: Is it not overdramatic to suggest this is Germany’s third attempt to become a world power?

A: The question here is, how could German imperialism, after it had missed out during the sharing of the world between the Great Powers in the 19th century and after it had tried 1914 in the First World War to push through a redistribution of the world for its own benefit according to its economic strength and how could it to a day 65 years after its defeat by May 8th 1945 climb in such a position again (being the leading power in “solving” the Euro-crisis). Where does the power, where does the strength of financial sources result from? How did German tycoons succeed after their defeat 1945 not only to survive, under protection of the dominating capitalist power US, but also to soar into a leading imperialist power again?

On the one hand they could use the contradiction between the socialist and the capitalist camp, which developed after 1945 into cold war. On the other hand the crippled German financial oligarchy could profit on the fact that the French imperialists had get under US-hegemony too and wanted to get rid of US supremacy again. Together with the US the German tycoons perused the split of Germany and of Europe by introducing the Marshall-plan, European Steel and Coal Community and the EEC. In coalition with France they transferred the EEC into the EU to dominate Europe und to rival with the US.

The basis for the present position of German imperialists during this period was that its capital accumulation was growing faster as those of their competitors that is to say, they have been forced and they are forced to make higher profits.

Starting from scratch 1948 without government debt, more modern production facilities and lower wage costs German Imperialism became the strongest power in Western Europe from the 1970s on. As mentioned before, the annexation of the GDR and the expansion to the East later strengthened the German position enormously.

Currently, the result is that the US is still the most powerful imperialist state which has the largest economy, based on, by far, the  biggest military potential. However, it has become more difficult to force its will on the other capitalist countries. In the present development the US will continue to lose influence as leading power of the capitalist world.

We want to try to answer your question with another question. Which alternative has an imperialist country like Germany, driven by its big monopolies – which are in need of markets and raw materials to realise profits – as to take this path to become a world power again? What is different to the situation of the first and the second attempt?

Behaving like an imperialist world power can be seen in the handling of the Greek debt crisis, dictating austerity policy for all EU-countries a. s. o. As Germans we know what aspirations for supremacy meant to our people and for other peoples. That is why we try to reveal the truth on this new attempt and to fight against it together with all true patriots.

A democratic programme for the 21st century

Starry Plough

The Communist Party of Ireland has published A Democratic Programme For the 21st Century.

The capitalist economic system that we live under is prone to cycles of boom and bust and is based on the exploitation of working people. It is a society in which the wealth created by working people is owned and controlled by a small minority. It is incapable of bringing about a civilised society: it is built on and sustained by inequality. Capitalism is also responsible for the deepening global environmental catastrophe. Women and men, local and migrant workers, employed and unemployed, are pitched against each other to ensure greater profits for that small minority. The very idea of mutual support and solidarity between people is a complete anathema to this system.

Our rulers, both domestic and external, tell us that sovereignty and independence are no longer relevant in the modern world, subsumed in the larger “European bloc” that is the EU. We disagree. This “European bloc” was constructed to serve the interests of international finance and transnational corporations. These forces and their institutions of control have no interest in serving the people.

The working people of Ireland have to take control if we are to end poverty, unemployment, emigration, and the destruction of urban and rural communities, discrimination based on gender, religion, race, or sexuality. Every generation since the foundation of this state has experienced mass unemployment and mass emigration. Our towns and villages are falling silent with the departing footsteps of our youth. Our communities are riven by drugs, poverty, and homelessness.

Working people, both urban and rural, have always had to wait in line and to fight for anything that we have gained. What we have gained is now being taken away. Each generation has had to fight to defend what their parents and grandparents struggled for. Working people, women and men, young and old, need to advance beyond this constant battle over the same issues: we need to transcend these constant, repetitive struggles to have our views heard, our needs and aspirations met.

To bring about lasting change we need to move beyond the narrow concept of democracy allowed by the establishment. Working people have little influence over the decisions of the Irish state, let alone the European institutions. Again and again the political manifestos we vote for are torn up the day after the election. Replace a disastrous government with new faces and the policies remain the same. It is “the markets,” we are told, that determine policy.’

Full document can be read here: A Democratic Programme

 

A New Fiscal Framework For a Progressive Government

r2w

When a new progressive government takes office after the next election it will face considerable challenges – in particular, the need to drive investment in our economic and social infrastructure.  Years of recession, stagnation and austerity have produced a debilitated economy and a society riven with deprivation and lost opportunities.

On June 13th the Right2Water trade unions will host a major and unique event.  Representatives of trade unions, civil society organisations, Right2Water groups and progressive political parties and independents will debate the policy principles that will inform the new government:  decent work, debt justice, public services and social protection, natural resources, indigenous enterprise, political reform to name just a few topics.

In this document – ‘A New Fiscal Framework for a Progressive Government’ – we outline how we can maximise the resources that will enable the necessary investment to transform these policy principles into reality.  We publish this analysis as a contribution to a continuing debate – as a guideline and an invitation to others to participate, to bring forward their own analysis, estimates and priorities.

R2W Unions Fiscal Framework Document

Most of all, it shows what a new government committed to democracy, economic justice and an inclusive-recovery can do.

We look forward to the coming debate.

And we look forward to the prospect of electing the first left-led government in the history of the state – a government that will take us down a better pathway.

Yours sincerely

John Douglas

Stevie Fitzpatrick

Jimmy Kelly

Eoin Ronayne

Billy Wall

Karl Marx Was Right

marx-400x209
Global Research, June 01, 2015
http://www.globalresearch.ca/karl-marx-was-right/5452795

Karl Marx exposed the peculiar dynamics of capitalism, or what he called “the bourgeois mode of production.” He foresaw that capitalism had built within it the seeds of its own destruction. He knew that reigning ideologies—think neoliberalism—were created to serve the interests of the elites and in particular the economic elites, since “the class which has the means of material production at its disposal, has control at the same time over the means of mental production” and “the ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the dominant material relationships … the relationships which make one class the ruling one.” He saw that there would come a day when capitalism would exhaust its potential and collapse. He did not know when that day would come. Marx, as Meghnad Desai wrote, was “an astronomer of history, not an astrologer.” Marx was keenly aware of capitalism’s ability to innovate and adapt. But he also knew that capitalist expansion was not eternally sustainable. And as we witness the denouement of capitalism and the disintegration of globalism, Karl Marx is vindicated as capitalism’s most prescient and important critic.

In a preface to “The Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy” Marx wrote:

No social order ever disappears before all the productive forces for which there is room in it have been developed; and new higher relations of production never appear before the material conditions of their existence have matured in the womb of the old society itself.

Therefore, mankind always sets itself only such tasks as it can solve; since looking at the matter more closely, we always find that the task itself arises only when the material conditions necessary for its solution already exist, or are at least in the process of formation.

Socialism, in other words, would not be possible until capitalism had exhausted its potential for further development. That the end is coming is hard now to dispute, although one would be foolish to predict when. We are called to study Marx to be ready.

The final stages of capitalism, Marx wrote, would be marked by developments that are intimately familiar to most of us. Unable to expand and generate profits at past levels, the capitalist system would begin to consume the structures that sustained it. It would prey upon, in the name of austerity, the working class and the poor, driving them ever deeper into debt and poverty and diminishing the capacity of the state to serve the needs of ordinary citizens. It would, as it has, increasingly relocate jobs, including both manufacturing and professional positions, to countries with cheap pools of laborers. Industries would mechanize their workplaces. This would trigger an economic assault on not only the working class but the middle class—the bulwark of a capitalist system—that would be disguised by the imposition of massive personal debt as incomes declined or remained stagnant. Politics would in the late stages of capitalism become subordinate to economics, leading to political parties hollowed out of any real political content and abjectly subservient to the dictates and money of global capitalism.

But as Marx warned, there is a limit to an economy built on scaffolding of debt expansion. There comes a moment, Marx knew, when there would be no new markets available and no new pools of people who could take on more debt. This is what happened with the subprime mortgage crisis. Once the banks cannot conjure up new subprime borrowers, the scheme falls apart and the system crashes.

Capitalist oligarchs, meanwhile, hoard huge sums of wealth—$18 trillion stashed in overseas tax havens—exacted as tribute from those they dominate, indebt and impoverish. Capitalism would, in the end, Marx said, turn on the so-called free market, along with the values and traditions it claims to defend. It would in its final stages pillage the systems and structures that made capitalism possible. It would resort, as it caused widespread suffering, to harsher forms of repression. It would attempt in a frantic last stand to maintain its profits by looting and pillaging state institutions, contradicting its stated nature.

Marx warned that in the later stages of capitalism huge corporations would exercise a monopoly on global markets. “The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the entire surface of the globe,” he wrote. “It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere.” These corporations, whether in the banking sector, the agricultural and food industries, the arms industries or the communications industries, would use their power, usually by seizing the mechanisms of state, to prevent anyone from challenging their monopoly. They would fix prices to maximize profit. They would, as they [have been doing], push through trade deals such as the TPP and CAFTA to further weaken the nation-state’s ability to impede exploitation by imposing environmental regulations or monitoring working conditions. And in the end these corporate monopolies would obliterate free market competition.

May 22 editorial in The New York Times gives us a window into what Marx said would characterize the late stages of capitalism:

As of this week, Citicorp, JPMorgan Chase, Barclays and Royal Bank of Scotland are felons, having pleaded guilty on Wednesday to criminal charges of conspiring to rig the value of the world’s currencies. According to the Justice Department, the lengthy and lucrative conspiracy enabled the banks to pad their profits without regard to fairness, the law or the public good.

The Times goes on:

The banks will pay fines totaling about $9 billion, assessed by the Justice Department as well as state, federal and foreign regulators. That seems like a sweet deal for a scam that lasted for at least five years, from the end of 2007 to the beginning of 2013, during which the banks’ revenue from foreign exchange was some $85 billion.

The final stages of what we call capitalism, as Marx grasped, is not capitalism at all. Corporations gobble down government expenditures, in essence taxpayer money, like pigs at a trough. The arms industry with its official $612 billion defense authorization bill—which ignores numerous other military expenditures tucked away in other budgets, raising our real expenditure on national security expenses to over $1 trillion a year—has gotten the government this year to commit to spending $348 billion over the next decade to modernize our nuclear weapons and build 12 new Ohio-class nuclear submarines, estimated at $8 billion each. Exactly how these two massive arms programs are supposed to address what we are told is the greatest threat of our time—the war on terror—is a mystery. After all, as far as I know, ISIS does not own a rowboat. We spend some $100 billion a year on intelligence—read surveillance—and 70 percent of that money goes to private contractors such as Booz Allen Hamilton, [which] gets 99 percent of its revenues from the U.S. government. And on top of this we are the largest exporters of arms in the world.

The fossil fuel industry swallows up $5.3 trillion a year worldwide in hidden costs to keep burning fossil fuels, according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This money, the IMF noted, is in addition to the $492 billion in direct subsidies offered by governments around the world through write-offs and write-downs and land-use loopholes. In a sane world these subsidies would be invested to free us from the deadly effects of carbon emissions caused by fossil fuels, but we do not live in a sane world.

Bloomberg News in the 2013 article “Why Should Taxpayers Give Big Banks $83 Billion a Year?” reported that economists had determined that government subsidies lower the big banks’ borrowing costs by about 0.8 percent.

“Multiplied by the total liabilities of the 10 largest U.S. banks by assets,” the report said, “it amounts to a taxpayer subsidy of $83 billion a year.”

“The top five banks—JPMorgan, Bank of America Corp., Citigroup Inc., Wells Fargo & Co. and Goldman Sachs Group Inc.—account,” the report went on, “for $64 billion of the total subsidy, an amount roughly equal to their typical annual profits. In other words, the banks occupying the commanding heights of the U.S. financial industry—with almost $9 trillion in assets, more than half the size of the U.S. economy—would just about break even in the absence of corporate welfare. In large part, the profits they report are essentially transfers from taxpayers to their shareholders.”

Government expenditure accounts for 41 percent of GDP. Corporate capitalists intend to seize this money, hence the privatization of whole parts of the military, the push to privatize Social Security, the contracting of corporations to collect 70 percent of intelligence for our 16 intelligence agencies, as well as the privatization of prisons, schools and our disastrous for-profit health care service. None of these seizures of basic services make them more efficient or reduce costs. That is not the point. It is about feeding off the carcass of the state. And it ensures the disintegration of the structures that sustain capitalism itself. All this Marx got.

Marx illuminated these contradictions within capitalism. He understood that the idea of capitalism—free trade, free markets, individualism, innovation, self-development—works only in the utopian mind of a true believer such as Alan Greenspan, never in reality. The hoarding of wealth by a tiny capitalist elite, Marx foresaw, along with the exploitation of the workers, meant that the masses could no longer buy the products that propelled capitalism forward. Wealth becomes concentrated in the hands of a tiny elite—the world’s richest 1 percent will own more than half of the world’s wealth by next year.

The assault on the working class has been going on now for several decades. Salaries have remained stagnant or declined since the 1970s. Manufacturing has been shipped overseas, where workers in countries such as China or Bangladesh are paid as little as 22 cents an hour. The working poor, forced to compete with the labor of those who are little better than serfs in the global marketplace, proliferate across the American landscape, struggling to live at a subsistence level. Industries such as construction, which once provided well-paying unionized jobs, are the domain of nonunionized, often undocumented workers. Corporations import foreign engineers and software specialists that do professional work at one-third of the normal salary on H-1B, L-1 and other work visas. All these workers are bereft of the rights of citizens.

The capitalists respond to the collapse of their domestic economies, which they engineered, by becoming global loan sharks and speculators. They lend money at exorbitant interest rates to the working class and the poor, even if they know the money could never be repaid, and then sell these bundled debts, credit default swaps, bonds and stocks to pension funds, cities, investment firms and institutions. This late form of capitalism is built on what Marx called “fictitious capital.” And it leads, as Marx knew, to the vaporization of money.

Once subprime borrowers began to default, as these big banks and investment firms knew was inevitable, the global crash of 2008 took place. The government bailed out the banks, largely by printing money, but left the poor and the working class—not to mention students recently out of college—with crippling personal debt. Austerity became policy. The victims of financial fraud would be made to pay for that fraud. And what saved us from a full-blown depression was, in a tactic Marx would have found ironic, massive state intervention in the economy, including the nationalization of huge corporations such as AIG and General Motors.

What we saw in 2008 was the enactment of a welfare state for the rich, a kind of state socialism for the financial elites that Marx predicted. But with this comes an increased and volatile cycle of boom and bust, bringing the system closer to disintegration and collapse. We have undergone two major stock market crashes and the implosion of real estate prices in just the first decade of the 21st century.

The corporations that own the media have worked overtime to sell to a bewildered public the fiction that we are enjoying a recovery. Employment figures, through a variety of gimmicks, including erasing those who are unemployed for over a year from unemployment rolls, are a lie, as is nearly every other financial indicator pumped out for public consumption. We live, rather, in the twilight stages of global capitalism, which may be surprisingly more resilient than we expect, but which is ultimately terminal. Marx knew that once the market mechanism became the sole determining factor for the fate of the nation-state, as well as the natural world, both would be demolished. No one knows when this will happen. But that it will happen, perhaps within our lifetime, seems certain.

“The old is dying, the new struggles to be born, and in the interregnum there are many morbid symptoms,” Antonio Gramsci wrote.

What comes next is up to us.

BRICS and the Fiction of “De-Dollarization”

Taken from http://www.globalresearch.ca/brics-and-the-fiction-of-de-dollarization/5441301

The BRICS New Development Bank (NDB) was set up to challenge two major Western-led giants – the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. NDB’s key role will be to serve as a pool of currency for infrastructure projects within a group of five countries with major emerging national economies – Russia, Brazil, India, China and South Africa. (RT, October 9, 2015, emphasis added)

More recently, emphasis has been placed on the role of China’s new Asia Infrastructure Investment  Bank (AIIB), which, according to media reports, threatens to “transfer global financial control from Wall Street and City of London to the new development banks and funds of Beijing and Shanghai”.

There has been a lot of media hype regarding BRICS.

While the creation of BRICS has significant geopolitical implications, both the AIIB as well as the proposed BRICS Development Bank (NDB) and its Contingency Reserve Arrangement (CRA) are dollar denominated entities. Unless they are coupled with a multi-currency system of trade and credit, they do not threaten dollar hegemony. Quite the opposite, they tend to sustain and extend dollar denominated lending. Moreover, they replicate several features the Bretton Woods framework.

Towards a Multi-Currency Arrangement? 

What is significant, however, from a geopolitical standpoint is  that China and Russia are developing a ruble-yuan swap, negotiated between the Russian Central Bank, and the People’s Bank of China,

The situation of the other three BRICS member states (Brazil, India, South Africa) with regard to the implementation of (real, rand rupiah) currency swaps is markedly different. These three highly indebted countries are in the straightjacket of IMF-World Bank conditionalities. They do not decide on fundamental issues of monetary policy and macro-economic reform without the green light from the Washington based international financial institutions.

Currency swaps between the BRICS central banks was put forth by Russia to:

“facilitate trade financing while completely bypassing the dollar. “At the same time, the new system will also act as a de facto replacement of the IMF, because it will allow the members of the alliance to direct resources to finance the weaker countries.” (Voice of Russia)

While Russia has formally raised the issue of a multi-currency arrangement, the Development Bank’s structure does not currently “officially” acknowledge such a framework:

We are discussing with China and our BRICS parters the establishment of a system of multilateral swaps that will allow to transfer resources to one or another country, if needed. A part of the currency reserves can be directed to [the new system]” (Governor of the Russian Central Bank, June 2014, Prime news agency)

India, South Africa and Brazil have decided not to go along with a multiple currency arrangement, which would have allowed for the development of bilateral trade and investment activities between BRICs countries, operating outside the realm of dollar denominated credit. In fact they did not have the choice of making this decision in view of the strict loan conditionalities imposed by the IMF.

Heavily indebted under the brunt of their external creditors,  all three countries are faithful pupils of the IMF-World Bank. The central bank of these countries is controlled by Wall Street and the IMF. For them to enter into a “non-dollar” or an “anti-dollar” development banking arrangement with multiple currencies, would have required prior approval of the IMF.

The Contingency Reserve Arrangement

The CRA is defined as a “framework for provision of support through liquidity and precautionary instruments in response to actual or potential short-term balance of payments pressures.” (Russia India Report April 7, 2015). In this context, the CRA fund does not constitute a “safety net” for BRICS countries, it accepts the hegemony of the US dollar which is sustained by large scale speculative operations in the currency and commodity markets.

In essence the CRA operates in a similar fashion to an IMF precautionary loan arrangement (e.g. Brazil November 1998) with a view to enabling highly indebted countries to maintain the parity of their exchange rate to the US dollar, by replenishing central bank reserves through borrowed money.

The CRA excludes the policy option of foreign exchange controls by BRICS member states. In the case of India, Brazil and South Africa, this option is largely foreclosed as a result of their agreements with the IMF.

The dollar denominated $100 billion CRA fund is a “silver platter” for Western “institutional speculators” including JP Morgan Chase, Deutsche Bank, HSBC, Goldman Sachs et al, which are involved in short selling operations on the Forex market. Ultimately the CRA fund will finance the speculative onslaught in the currency market.

Neoliberalism firmly entrenched

An arrangement using national currencies instead of the US dollar requires sovereignty in central bank monetary policy. In many regards, India, Brazil and South Africa are (from the monetary standpoint) US proxy states, firmly aligned with IMF-World Bank-WTO economic diktats.

It is worth recalling that since 1991, India’s macroeconomic policy was under under the control of the Bretton Woods institutions, with a former World Bank official, Dr. Manmohan Singh, serving first as Finance Minister and subsequently as Prime Minister.

Moreover, while India is an ally of China and Russia under BRICS, it has entered into a  new defense cooperation deal with the Pentagon which is (unofficially) directed against Russia and China. It is also cooperating with the US in aerospace technology. India constitutes the largest market (after Saudi Arabia) for the sale of US weapons systems. And all these transactions are in US dollars.

Similarly, Brazil signed a far-reaching Defense agreement with the US in 2010 under the government of Luis Ignacio da Silva, who in the words of the IMF’s former managing director Heinrich Koeller, “Is  Our Best President”, “… I am enthusiastic [with Lula's administration]; but it is better to say I am deeply impressed by President Lula, indeed, and in particular because I do think he has the credibility”  (IMF Managing Director Heinrich Koeller, Press conference, 10 April 2003 ).

In Brazil, the Bretton Woods institutions and Wall Street have dominated macro-economic reform since the outset of the government of Luis Ignacio da Silva in 2003. Under Lula, a Wall Street executive was appointed to head the Central Bank, the Banco do Brazil was in the hands of a former CitiGroup executive. While there are divisions within the ruling PT party, neoliberalism prevails. Economic and social in Brazil is in large part dictated by the country’s external creditors including JPMorgan Chase, Bank America and Citigroup.

Central Bank Reserves and The External Debt

India and Brazil (together with Mexico) are among the World’s most indebted developing countries. The foreign exchange reserves are fragile. India’s external debt in 2013 was of the order of more than $427 Billion, that of Brazil was a staggering $482 billion, South Africa’s external debt was of the order of $140 Billion. (World Bank, External Debt Stock, 2013).

External Debt Stock (2013)

Brazil  $482 billion

India   $427 billion

South Africa  $140 billion

All three countries have central banks reserves (including gold and forex holdings) which are lower than their external debt (see table below).

Central Bank Reserves (2013)

Brazil  $359 billion

India:  $298 billion

South Africa $50 billion

The situation of South Africa is particularly precarious with an external debt which is almost three times its central bank reserves.

What this means is that these three BRICS member states are under the brunt of their Western creditors. Their central bank reserves are sustained by borrowed money. Their central bank operations (e.g. with a view to supporting domestic investments and development programs) will require borrowing in US dollars. Their central banks are essentially “currency board” arrangements, their national currencies are dollarized.

The BRICs Development Bank (NDB)

On 15 July 2014, the group of five countries signed an agreement to create the US$100 billion BRICS Development Bank together with a US dollar denominated  ” reserve currency pool” of US$100 billion. These commitments were subsequently revised.

Each of the five-member countries  ”is expected to allocate an equal share of the $50 billion startup capital that will be expanded to $100 billion. Russia has agreed to provide $2 billion from the federal budget for the bank over the next seven years.” (RT, March 9, 2015).

In turn, the commitments to the Contingency Reserve Arrangement are as follows;

Brazil, $18 billion

Russia $18 billion

India  $18 billion

China $41 billion

South Africa $5 billion

Total $100 billion

As mentioned earlier, India, Brazil and South Africa, are heavily indebted countries with central bank reserves substantially below the level of their external debt.  Their contribution to the two BRICs financial entities can only be financed:

  • by running down their dollar denominated central bank reserves and/or
  • by financing their contributions to the Development Bank and CRA, by borrowing the money, namely by “running up” their dollar denominated external debt.

In both cases, dollar hegemony prevails. In other words, the Western creditors of these three countries will be required to “contribute” directly or indirectly to  the financing of the dollar denominated contributions of Brazil, India and South Africa to the BRICS development bank (NDB) and the CRA.

In the case of South Africa with Central Bank reserves of the order of 50 billion dollars, the contribution  to the BRICS NDB will inevitably be financed by an increase in the country’s (US dollar denominated) external debt.

Moreover, with regard to India, Brazil and South Africa, their membership in the BRICS Development Bank was no doubt the object of behind closed doors negotiations with the IMF as well as guarantees that they would not depart from the “Washington Consensus” on macro-economic reform.

Under a scheme whereby these countries were to be in be in full control of their Central Bank monetary policy, the contributions to the Development Bank (NDB) would be allocated in national currency rather than US dollars under a multi-currency arrangement. Needless to say under a multi-currency system the contingency CRA fund would not be required.

The geopolitics behind the BRICS initiative are crucial. While the BRICS initiative from the very outset has accepted the dollar system, this does not exclude the introduction, at a later stage of a multiple currency arrangement, which challenges dollar hegemony.

By Prof Michel Chossudovsky

The rise of shadow banking

Both the EU Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund published reports recently on the growth and risk of the shadow-banking sector.
While estimating the size of the sector and identifying some immediate risks, both reports fail to identify the rise of finance, and in particular non-bank credit-creating entities, over recent decades as a systemic aspect of monopolisation, stagnation, and over-accumulation.
Both reports also promote the “positive” aspects of shadow banking and see it having a role in releasing credit where other financial institutions might not venture. As the IMF put it, “the challenge for policy-makers is to maximise the benefits of shadow banking.”
The IMF defines shadow banking as credit intermediation outside the conventional banking system—or non-bank entities that create credit. This is a broad definition, making shadow banking about a quarter of total financial intermediation. It therefore includes pension funds, insurance entities, hedge funds, structured investment vehicles, mortgage services rights (collectors of interest and debt), and derivative product companies, which are often special-purpose vehicles.
The Financial Stability Board has been monitoring shadow banking since 2011 and has reported that the United States, Britain and the euro area have the largest shadow-banking systems. Britain’s accounts for more than 360 per cent of GDP, while those of the United States and the euro area are closer to 200 per cent.
But Ireland (also included in the euro area) stands out. The shadow-banking system here has been estimated to be in the region of €1.7 trillion—almost 11 times our GNP. This is without doubt related to global tax evasion and the fact that many corporations pay less than 1 per cent tax, never mind the official rate of 12½ per cent.
The growth of the shadow-banking system has created new risks and instabilities within the system, but it has also provided a much-need avenue for investment. Its importance as an avenue for investment far exceeds the risks it creates with regard to the reproduction of capital, and so there have been few serious attempts to control, isolate or regulate the sector. In fact the IMF makes it clear that, as regulation has increased in the normal banking industry, shadow banking has grown, as if to imply that regulation is futile and that shadow banking should be embraced and normalised.
Seven years after the crisis erupted, the crucial role played by finance, financial products and investment avenues is obvious. There will be no serious attempt to control capital merely to mitigate its worst instabilities by establishing publicly funded bail-out mechanisms or to increase the confidence of investors in finance. This is monopoly capitalism in the twenty-first century.

Taken from Socialist Voice, http://www.communistpartyofireland.ie/sv/07-shadow.html

How Speculation for Its Own Sake Pays Billions

by PETE DOLACK

Taken from http://www.counterpunch.org/2015/05/15/how-speculation-for-its-own-sake-pays-billions/

The absurdity of the tsunami of money crammed into speculators’ bank accounts is illustrated in the fact that the 25 highest-paid hedge-fund managers vacuumed up a collective $11.6 billion in 2014 — and that was considered to be a bad year for them by the business press. Stratospheric though that total is, it is barely more than half of what the top 25 took in a year earlier.

All together now: Awwww. Yes, somehow these speculators will have to get by on a paltry average of $467 million.

Institutional Investor’s Alpha magazine — one can hear their editors’ teeth gnashing at their heroes’ bitter fate — lamented that 2014 was the worst year since the 2008 stock meltdown for hedge-fund managers in announcing its “Rich List.”

Nonetheless, some observers might believe that these moguls earned somebody serious money to collect such enormous paychecks. But that wasn’t necessarily the case. For the sixth consecutive year, hedge funds fell short of the average stock-market performance, returning a composite average of three percent. Perhaps the 25 hedge-fund managers who hauled in the most money for themselves were better? Not really. Alpha reports that the hedge funds of at least 12 of the individuals on its top 25 list posted gains below the 2014 average.

The S&P 500 Index, the broadest measure of U.S. stock markets, gained 11.4 percent in 2014 and the benchmark Dow Jones Industrial Average gained 7.5 percent. So somebody throwing darts, or parking their money in a passive fund that tracks a major index, would have done as well or better in many cases. Despite their subpar performances, hedge-fund managers continue to receive an annual fee of two percent of the value of the total assets under management and 20 percent of any profits. The fee gets paid even when the fund loses money.

So it’s heads, Wall Street wins and tails, Wall Street wins. And hedge funders pay less in taxes. Much of their income is classified as capital gains under U.S. tax law, and the tax rate on capital gains are much less than on regular income.

Imposing austerity on others is a job never finished

What is that hedge-fund managers do to “earn” such enormous sums of money? Let us take a look. The top person on the 2014 list is Kenneth Griffin of Citadel Capital, who hauled in $1.3 billion for the year. Citadel makes lots of money through computerized high-speed trading — buying and selling securities in microseconds to take advantage of momentary price changes. Apparently allowing computers to do the work leaves Mr. Griffin with time to pursue his hobby of widening inequality still more.

Not content with the fact that his 2014 earnings are equal to the combined median wage of 26,000 U.S. workers, he contributed $10 million to an Illinois campaign that seeks to cut workers’-compensation benefits, make it illegal for employees to contribute to political campaigns through their union, abolish prevailing-wage laws and render union dues collections much more difficult. He’s also contributed millions to the Koch brothers’ war chest. Mr. Griffin’s firm also owns a stake in ServiceMaster, a company that profits from the privatization of public services by firing employees and rehiring them at lower wages.

A Huffington Post article, noting that Mr. Griffin is also a major donor to Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel, nonetheless reports that he believes Mayor 1% is too soft on public employees despite the mayor’s attacks on pensions and teachers. The article said:

“Griffin, alone, could fund all of Chicago’s pension liabilities for [2014] (estimated at $692 million) and still have $208 million [from his 2013 income] left to scrap by on. Yet Griffin is terribly worried that the mayor is being too soft on retirees. He castigated Chicago and Illinois politicians for not making ‘tough choices,’ blaming Democrats who control city, county and state government for not fixing pension, education and crime problems.”

Second on the hedge-fund list is James Simons of Renaissance Technologies. Although Alpha reported that he no longer runs his firm on a day-to-day basis and “spends a good chunk of the year on his 226-foot yacht,” Mr. Simons hauled in $1.2 billion in 2014. His firm employs physicists, others scientists and mathematicians to develop models for its computerized trading. Alas, speculation pays much more than scientific research that might benefit humanity.

Buy, strip, profit, repeat

Third on the list is Raymond Dalio of Bridgewater Associates, who took in $1.1 billion in 2014. He specializes in bond and currency speculation. Fourth on the list is William Ackman of Pershing Square Capital Management, who is what the corporate media likes to call an “activist investor.” In other words, someone who buys stock in a company and immediately demands massive cuts so he can make a large short-term profit is an “activist investor” because he does this more loudly than others.

Mr. Ackman hauled in $950 million in 2014. Forbes magazine, as consistent a cheerleader for the corporate overclass as any institution, summed him up this way last year:

“[H]edge fund billionaire William Ackman has tried to destroy a company that sells diet shakes, played a prominent role in nearly driving a 112-year-old retailer into the ground [and] helped launch a hostile takeover of a pharmaceutical company in a way that the Securities & Exchange Commission is reportedly examining for potential violations of insider trading law. Now, Ackman is suing the U.S. government.”

He is suing the U.S. government because it is taking the profits from federal housing-loan programs Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to recoup money used to bail them out rather than handing the profits over to speculators such as himself. Never mind that the government spent hundreds of billions of dollars bailing out speculators. Among his most recent exploits, he was involved in two separate deals that would have moved a U.S. corporation’s headquarters to Canada so that it could avoid paying taxes, savings that would be earmarked for speculators’ wallets.

No summation of hedge-fund greed would be complete without a mention of Paul Singer, another entrant on the Alpha list. The vulture capitalist specializes in buying debt at pennies on the dollar and then demands to be paid the full face value, regardless of human cost. Among other exploits, he has seized an Argentine naval ship, demanded $400 million from the Republic of the Congo for bonds he bought for less than $10 million and compelled the government of Peru to pay him a 400 percent profit on the debt of two banks he bought four years earlier.

The outsized renumeration of financiers is due to the disproportionate size of the financial industry. A rough calculation estimates that in 11 business days speculators trade instruments and contracts with a value greater than all the products and services produced by the entire world in one year. In other words, a year’s worth of gross world product is traded in about two weeks on the world’s stock, bond, derivative, futures and foreign-exchange markets.

Such frenzied trading, often involving high-speed computers and ever more exotic betting, has little to do with actual economic needs and much to do with extracting money by ever more imaginative needs. Such is a system that values financial engineering more than human life.

Pete Dolack writes the Systemic Disorder blog. He has been an activist with several groups.

Economic misery and bloody chaos

By Tommy McKearney

The soap opera that surrounded SYRIZA’s limp attempt to negotiate with the vicious, agenda-driven European Union, led by the financial sector, has understandably captured huge attention during the recent past. As with all the best action within that genre, viewers were kept in mock suspense while the inevitable dénouement was played out.
Pundits spoke solemnly about the risk of Greece leaving the EU, of threats to financial stability, or a break-up of the euro zone. Meanwhile the new government in Athens stuck out its chest and talked of taking on the mighty German finance ministry and the other members of the Troika. That the drama ended for SYRIZA with a timid whimper rather than anything so unsettling as a bang was, unfortunately, all too predictable.
The new Greek prime minister, Aléxis Tsípras, may be a handsome and articulate addition on the European political stage but he is no Fidel Castro. His finance minister, Varoufákis, strikes a dashing pose as he tours the Continent’s capitals, but, photograph him as you may, he hasn’t the steel of a Che.
Therein lies the essence of the Greek people’s disappointment. Not only did they need a determined and purposeful socialist government and instead got social democrats, but a hard-pressed population was allowed to believe that a different and better outcome was possible.
Not that any genuine socialist or working-class activist can be anything other than dismayed by what has happened. Many on the left throughout Europe greeted SYRIZA’s election victory with genuine enthusiasm. The Greek people had rejected a plundering, neo-liberal programme imposed on them by international financiers, and it appeared, from the newly elected government’s declarations, that someone, somewhere was finally prepared to reject the demands of rentier capitalism. That the initial rhetoric proved hollow is a set-back for all on the left, as early optimism (and not only in Greece) may well be replaced by disenchantment.
How often—some may justifiably ask—can we raise expectations before people stop believing in the possibility of meaningful change?
It would be a mistake, nevertheless, to ascribe the failure of SYRIZA to personal inadequacies, betrayal, or lack of moral fibre. The Greek social democrats’ misfortune was to be bit players in a much greater game, and one in which their leadership mistakenly believed they could effect change while staying within the parameters of the present system. The response to this regrettable situation should not be the sterile cry of “We told you so” but to endeavour to promote a deeper understanding of what went wrong, and why.
Following the crisis in capitalism created by the economic crash of 2008, Europe’s ruling class and its vehicle of delivery, the European Union, is in no mood to endure any challenge to its authority or to tolerate developments that might undermine its power. Like a wounded beast, the ruling class is even more aggressive and dangerous than it was when feeling stronger.
The nature of its response to this present crisis is manifesting itself in two different but related theatres. One is being played out with the Greek government and people; the other is the ever more lethal and dangerous conflict raging in Donets and the wider Don Basin. While acting tough in the negotiations between Athens and the Troika, the EU and its allies are also pursuing their agenda in eastern Europe.
Following a well-practised routine, the western European media prepared the ground as they promoted a narrative asserting that Russia and its president, Vladimir Putin, were intent on an aggressive policy of invasion and expansion. Old, crude anti-Soviet rhetoric was regurgitated. In February the second in command of NATO’s forces in Europe, General Adrian Bradshaw, told the Royal United Services Institute (the elite’s strategic think-tank in London) that NATO forces must prepare for a large-scale conventional assault by Russia on an eastern European member-state.¹ Shortly thereafter the British prime minister, David Cameron, announced that he is to send military personnel to Kiev to train the regime’s troops, and give additional funding to the BBC to “counteract Russian propaganda.”²
Ignored in the telling of this scaremongering and sabre-rattling was the fact that the EU and the United States had encouraged a coup against an elected government in Kiev, and supported its replacement with a regime that made no secret of its hostility to Moscow and to Russian-speaking Ukrainians. No mention either of NATO’s encroachment into an area of immense strategic sensitivity to a country that lost 26 million citizens within living memory. Donets is, after all, only a two-hour journey by car from the Russian city of Volgograd (or Stalingrad, as it was known when assaulted by Nazi Germany in 1942).
Deliberately concealed, moreover, is an underlying calculation being made by upper echelons of the dominant capitalist power-brokers in the United States and western Europe. Relentlessly pursuing, over the past few decades, a short-term neo-liberal policy of profit maximisation at all costs, they have caused their own manufacturing industries to re-establish themselves outside their home countries, often to the “BRIC” countries (Brazil, Russia, India, and China). Inevitably this has led to a decline in their own productive capacity, forcing them to become ever more dependent on finance and services.
In the long run this creates a dilemma for the western powers, because economic history and experience clearly demonstrate that finance follows production, rather than the reverse. Inevitably this must mean a decline in their global hegemony—unless, that is, they can offset this trend by a related policy of (a) using debt to subdue some and (b) undermining any potential zone of economic competition among others.
Yet the ruling order in the West persists with this twin-track policy, with the obvious intention that debt burdens will crush, contain and confound the social-democratically inclined states of Europe while creating chaos elsewhere, preventing the emergence of a rival economic powerhouse.³ The cynical unifying calculation in this strategy is that, with the absence of an alternative economic bloc, the indebted have fewer options and the BRICs have fewer outlets. Those who believe they won the “Cold War” by threatening mutual self-destruction now seem to feel they can retain influence by a stratagem of “We’ll rule or we’ll wreck.”
And the evidence to substantiate this assertion? The proof lies in the absence of any other possible or plausible explanation for the behaviour of those world leaders who have imposed economic misery on vast sections of the European and American working class, while bringing bloody chaos to the Middle East, Africa, Afghanistan, and now Ukraine. No rational market economist has demonstrated that austerity can achieve anything other than deflation and loss of production. No sane individual has ever argued that western intervention in North Africa, the Middle East, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Syria or Russia can lead to anything other than world-engulfing catastrophe.
The adage that socialism is the only alternative to barbarism, or worse, has never held more validity than now.

1. Sam Jones, “NATO warned to prepare for move on territory,” Financial Times, 21 February 2015.
2. Chris Green, “British troops to ‘train soldiers in Ukraine’,” Independent (London), 24 February 2015.
3. For those who may argue that China disproves this contention it would be worth their while reading Martin Wolf’s article “How addiction to debt came even to China,” Financial Times (24 February 2015).

Study shows that European Robin Hood Tax would pay off big

Taken from the National Union of Public & General Employees (Canada)

While Canada’s Conservative government continues to reject the idea of a Financial Transactions Tax (FTT) evidence is growing that it is a proposal that could bring big benefits.

Eleven governments in the European Union are working out final details of a regional financial transactions tax, with a January 2016 deadline for implementation. As part of this process, the German Social Democratic Party commissioned a study from the prestigious German Institute for Economic Research (known as DIW).

Advocates for a Robin Hood Tax have argued that applying a small tax to trade of stocks and derivatives would discourage short-term, speculative trading while generating significant revenue. The study released by DIW indicates that the money raised would exceed what has been previously projected.

Massive benefit to Germany

Sarah Anderson, from the Global Economy Project at the Institute for Policy Studies, notes (link is external)that “Germany alone can expect anywhere from 18 to nearly 45 billion euros per year from a serious regional financial transactions tax, depending on how the tax affects trading levels, according to DIW. That translates into a potential benefit of about US$48 billion in an economy one-fifth the size of the United States.”

DIW estimates are based on the European Commission’s proposed rates of 0.1 percent on stock and bond trades and 0.01 percent on derivatives.

The DIW also assumed that the 11 governments would adopt the European Commission’s anti-avoidance mechanism.

Similar benefits to other countries studied

DIW also examined three of the other participating countries and came up with revenue estimates of 14 to 36 billion euros for France, 3 to 6 billion for Italy, and 700 million to 1.5 billion for Austria.

“For these four European countries combined, the total potential revenue estimate comes to considerably more than a previous European Commission projection of up to 31 billion euros for all 11 participating governments,” said Anderson.

Opposition from banks

“These impressive revenue numbers could shrivel, of course, if the European governments cave in to pressure from the financial industry. After several years of trying to kill the initiative altogether, European financial institutions have had to accept the inevitability of a financial transaction tax. Their focus now: pushing for exemptions that would render a new financial transactions tax virtually meaningless,” explained Anderson.

“In particular, the big banks would like to exclude from the tax all trades in derivatives, the potentially highly lucrative financial instruments that played a major role in the 2008 financial crisis.”

However, DIW notes that if derivatives are exempted, “most of the potential revenue from FTT is lost.” Indeed, Germany and France would lose approximately 90 percent of the expected revenues.

This is partly due to expectations that traders would respond to the exemption by shifting into derivatives to circumvent the tax.

Still, advocates point out that the case for a Financial Transactions Tax (or Robin Hood Tax) is becoming stronger.

NUPGE

The National Union of Public and General Employees (NUPGE) is one of Canada’s largest labour organizations with over 340,000 members. Our mission is to improve the lives of working families and to build a stronger Canada by ensuring our common wealth is used for the common good.